WASHINGTON — Rep. Delia Ramirez, D-Ill., is pressing legislation to curb U.S. bomb sales to Israel as she faces continuing criticism over remarks she made at a Mexico City conference in early August. The proposal would block transfers of certain munitions unless Congress authorizes their purpose and Israel provides written assurances about how they will be used, Dec. 16, 2025.
Delia Ramirez and the Mexico City remark
Ramirez, a second-term Democrat who represents Illinois’ 3rd Congressional District, came under fire after speaking at the second annual Panamerican Congress in Mexico City and briefly switching from English to Spanish. The Chicago Sun-Times reported that the recording captured words that “roughly translate” to her saying she is Guatemalan and proud of it “first, before American.”
Conservative critics argued the comment suggested misplaced loyalty, and the Department of Homeland Security amplified a Theodore Roosevelt quote about “hyphenated Americanism,” according to the Sun-Times. Ramirez said the backlash was a political attack on her multicultural identity and her policy positions.
“Honoring my Guatemalan ancestry only strengthens my commitment to America,” Ramirez said in a statement cited by the Sun-Times.
Republicans also introduced a separate, nonbinding resolution condemning her remarks. The text of H.Res. 647 on Congress.gov cites the “proud Guatemalan before I’m an American” phrasing, calls the statement “anti-American,” and says it “cast doubt” on whether Ramirez puts constituents’ interests ahead of those of Guatemala.
Delia Ramirez’s ‘Block the Bombs’ Act
While the Mexico City remarks kept fueling political attacks, Ramirez and a growing bloc of House Democrats have tried to shift the fight to U.S. foreign policy — specifically, the flow of American-made munitions to Israel during the war in Gaza.
Ramirez is the lead sponsor of H.R. 3565, branded the “Block the Bombs” Act, which would bar the president from selling, transferring or authorizing export licenses for a specified list of defense articles to Israel unless two conditions are met: Congress enacts a law identifying the “specific purpose or purposes” for the items, and Israel provides written assurances about how the weapons will be used.
The bill text on Congress.gov names seven categories of weapons that would be covered, including BLU-109 bunker-busting bombs; MK80 series bomb variants; small-diameter bomb variants; Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) assemblies; SPICE gliding bomb assemblies; 120mm tank ammunition; and 155mm artillery ammunition, including white phosphorus munitions.
As of this week, the measure lists 57 Democratic cosponsors on Congress.gov and remains in the House Foreign Affairs Committee, the first stop for most major legislation affecting arms sales and security assistance.
Progressives frame it as an oversight fight
Backers say the bill is designed to force an explicit vote in Congress on some of the most controversial munitions used in modern conflicts — and to attach written, enforceable assurances to their use. They argue that a system built largely around executive-branch notifications and deadlines for lawmakers to object has proven too weak to restrain weapons transfers in fast-moving wars.
In September, the Congressional Progressive Caucus formally endorsed the bill in a move it described as unprecedented for the caucus on legislation directly tied to the Israel-Palestine conflict. In a statement announcing the endorsement, caucus Chair Rep. Greg Casar, D-Texas, said, “The United States cannot continue to send bombs we know will be used to commit terrible atrocities in Gaza.”
Ramirez, in the same release, cast the legislation as a first step toward tighter controls on U.S. weapons transfers. “The Block the Bombs bill is the first step toward oversight and accountability for the murder of children with U.S.-made, taxpayer-funded weapons,” she said.
The caucus also said its endorsement focused on limiting what it described as “destructive” and “indiscriminate” offensive weapons systems while not affecting U.S. support for defensive systems such as Iron Dome.
Long-running debate over U.S. weapons transfers
Ramirez’s bill lands in a political landscape already shaped by earlier fights over how far — if at all — Washington should go in conditioning weapons transfers to Israel based on civilian harm concerns and compliance with U.S. and international law.
In May 2024, the Biden administration paused a shipment that included 2,000-pound bombs and 500-pound bombs as Israel prepared a Rafah operation, the Associated Press reported.
In June 2024, Reuters reported the U.S. had sent Israel thousands of 2,000-pound bombs since Oct. 7, 2023, while pausing at least one shipment of the larger bombs amid concerns about their impact in densely populated areas, according to Reuters.
In November 2024, the Senate rejected efforts led by Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., to block certain offensive weapons sales through joint resolutions of disapproval, AP reported.
In January 2025, Reuters reported the Biden administration notified Congress of a proposed $8 billion arms sale to Israel that included artillery shells as well as bombs, warheads and guidance systems, Reuters reported.
What happens next
Because H.R. 3565 has not advanced out of committee, the bill’s fate hinges on whether House leadership and the Foreign Affairs Committee take it up — a steep climb for legislation that would significantly tighten restrictions on a close U.S. ally’s access to American munitions.
Still, the growing cosponsor list and the Progressive Caucus endorsement show how the Gaza war continues to reshape Democratic politics — even as Ramirez remains a lightning rod for critics who seized on her Mexico City remarks to question her patriotism.
